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Brothers and Sisters:

It is an honour and pleasure to be among you today. I am really happy to see so many old friends who have come from different corners of the world, and to make new friends, whom I hope to meet again in the future. When I meet people in different parts of the world, I am always reminded that we are all basically alike: we are all human beings. Maybe we have different clothes, our skin is of a different colour, or we speak different languages. That is on the surface. But basically, we are the same human beings. That is what binds us to each other. That is what makes it possible for us to understand each other and to develop friendship and closeness.

Thinking over what I might say today, I decided to share with you some of my thoughts concerning the common problems all of us face as members of the human family. Because we all share this small planet earth, we have to learn to live in harmony and peace with each other and with nature. That is not just a dream, but a necessity. We are dependent on each other in so many ways, that we can no longer live in isolated communities and ignore what is happening outside those communities, and we must share the good fortune that we enjoy. I speak to you as just another human being; as a simple monk. If you find what I say useful, then I hope you will try to practise it.

I also wish to share with you today my feelings concerning the plight and aspirations of the people of Tibet. The Nobel Prize is a prize they well deserve for their courage and unfailing determination during the past forty years of foreign occupation. As a free spokesman for my captive countrymen and -women, I feel it is my duty to speak out on their behalf. I speak not with a feeling of anger or hatred towards those who are responsible for the immense suffering of our people and the destruction of our land, homes and culture. They too are human beings who struggle to find happiness and deserve our compassion. I speak to inform you of the sad situation in my country today and of the aspirations of my people, because in our struggle for freedom, truth is the only weapon we possess.

The realisation that we are all basically the same human beings, who seek happiness and try to avoid suffering, is very helpful in developing a sense of brotherhood and sisterhood; a warm feeling of love and compassion for others. This, in turn, is essential if we are to survive in this ever shrinking world we live in. For if we each selfishly pursue only what we believe to be in our own interest, without caring about the needs of others, we not only may end up harming others but also ourselves. This fact has become very clear during the course of this century. We know that to wage a nuclear war today, for example, would be a form of suicide; or that by polluting the air or the oceans, in order to achieve some short-term benefit, we are destroying the very basis for our survival. As interdependents, therefore, we have no other choice than to develop what I call a sense of universal responsibility.

Today, we are truly a global family. What happens in one part of the world may affect us all. This, of course, is not only true of the negative things that happen, but is equally valid for the positive developments. We not only know what happens elsewhere, thanks to the extraordinary modern communications technology. We are also directly affected by events that occur far away. We feel a sense of sadness when children are starving in Eastern Africa. Similarly, we feel a sense of joy when a family is reunited after decades of separation by the Berlin Wall. Our crops and livestock are contaminated and our health and livelihood threatened when a nuclear accident happens miles away in another country. Our own security is enhanced when peace breaks out between warring parties in other continents.

But war or peace; the destruction or the protection of nature; the violation or promotion of human rights and democratic freedoms; poverty or material well-being; the lack of moral and spiritual values or their existence and development; and the breakdown or development of human understanding, are not isolated phenomena that can be analysed and tackled independently of one another. In fact, they are very much interrelated at all levels and need to be approached with that understanding.

Peace, in the sense of the absence of war, is of little value to someone who is dying of hunger or cold. It will not remove the pain of torture inflicted on a prisoner of conscience. It does not comfort those who have lost their loved ones in floods caused by senseless deforestation in a neighbouring country. Peace can only last where human rights are respected, where the people are fed, and where individuals and nations are free. True peace with oneself and with the world around us can only be achieved through the development of mental peace. The other phenomena mentioned above are similarly interrelated. Thus, for example, we see that a clean environment, wealth or democracy mean little in the face of war, especially nuclear war, and that material development is not sufficient to ensure human happiness.

Material progress is of course important for human advancement. In Tibet, we paid much too little attention to technological and economic development, and today we realise that this was a mistake. At the same time, material development without spiritual development can also cause serious problems, In some countries too much attention is paid to external things and very little importance is given to inner development. I believe both are important and must be developed side by side so as to achieve a good balance between them. Tibetans are always described by foreign visitors as being a happy, jovial people. This is part of our national character, formed by cultural and religious values that stress the importance of mental peace through the generation of love and kindness to all other living sentient beings, both human and animal. Inner peace is the key: if you have inner peace, the external problems do not affect your deep sense of peace and tranquility. In that state of mind you can deal with situations with calmness and reason, while keeping your inner happiness. That is very important. Without this inner peace, no matter how comfortable your life is materially, you may still be worried, disturbed or unhappy because of circumstances.

Clearly, it is of great importance, therefore, to understand the interrelationship among these and other phenomena, and to approach and attempt to solve problems in a balanced way that takes these different aspects into consideration. Of course it is not easy. But it is of little benefit to try to solve one problem if doing so creates an equally serious new one. So really we have no alternative: we must develop a sense of universal responsibility not only in the geographic sense, but also in respect to the different issues that confront our planet.

Responsibility does not only lie with the leaders of our countries or with those who have been appointed or elected to do a particular job. It lies with each one of us individually. Peace, for example, starts with each one of us. When we have inner peace, we can be at peace with those around us. When our community is in a state of peace, it can share that peace with neighbouring communities, and so on. When we feel love and kindness towards others, it not only makes others feel loved and cared for, but it helps us also to develop inner happiness and peace. And there are ways in which we can consciously work to develop feelings of love and kindness. For some of us, the most effective way to do so is through religious practice. For others it may be non-religious practices. What is important is that we each make a sincere effort to take our responsibility for each other and for the natural environment we live in seriously.

I am very encouraged by the developments which are taking place around us. After the young people of many countries, particularly in northern Europe, have repeatedly called for an end to the dangerous destruction of the environment which was being conducted in the name of economic development, the world’s political leaders are now starting to take meaningful steps to address this problem. The report to the United Nations Secretary-General by the World Commission on the Environment and Development (the Brundtland Report) was an important step in educating governments on the urgency of the issue. Serious efforts to bring peace to war-torn zones and to implement the right to self-determination of some people have resulted in the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan and the establishment of independent Namibia. Through persistent nonviolent popular efforts dramatic changes, bringing many countries closer to real democracy, have occurred in many places, from Manila in the Philippines to Berlin in East Germany. With the Cold War era apparently drawing to a close, people everywhere live with renewed hope. Sadly, the courageous efforts of the Chinese people to bring similar change to their country was brutally crushed last June. But their efforts too are a source of hope. The military might has not extinguished the desire for freedom and the determination of the Chinese people to achieve it. I particularly admire the fact that these young people who have been taught that “power grows from the barrel of the gun”, chose, instead, to use nonviolence as their weapon.

What these positive changes indicate, is that reason, courage, determination, and the inextinguishable desire for freedom can ultimately win. In the struggle between forces of war, violence and oppression on the one hand, and peace, reason and freedom on the other, the latter are gaining the upper hand. This realisation fills us Tibetans with hope that some day we too will once again be free.

The awarding of the Nobel Prize to me, a simple monk from faraway Tibet, here in Norway, also fills us Tibetans with hope. It means, despite the fact that we have not drawn attention to our plight by means of violence, we have not been forgotten. It also means that the values we cherish, in particular our respect for all forms of life and the belief in the power of truth, are today recognised and encouraged. It is also a tribute to my mentor, Mahatma Gandhi, whose example is an inspiration to so many of us. This year’s award is an indication that this sense of universal responsibility is developing. I am deeply touched by the sincere concern shown by so many people in this part of the world for the suffering of the people of Tibet. That is a source of hope not only for us Tibetans, but for all oppressed people.

As you know, Tibet has, for forty years, been under foreign occupation. Today, more than a quarter of a million Chinese troops are stationed in Tibet. Some sources estimate the occupation army to be twice this strength. During this time, Tibetans have been deprived of their most basic human rights, including the right to life, movement, speech, worship, only to mention a few. More than one sixth of Tibet’s population of six million died as a direct result of the Chinese invasion and occupation. Even before the Cultural Revolution started, many of Tibet’s monasteries, temples and historic buildings were destroyed. Almost everything that remained was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. I do not wish to dwell on this point, which is well documented. What is important to realise, however, is that despite the limited freedom granted after 1979, to rebuild parts of some monasteries and other such tokens of liberalisation, the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people are still today being systematically violated. In recent months this bad situation has become even worse.

If it were not for our community in exile, so generously sheltered and supported by the government and people of India and helped by organisations and individuals from many parts of the world, our nation would today be little more than a shattered remnant of a people. Our culture, religion and national identity would have been effectively eliminated. As it is, we have built schools and monasteries in exile and have created democratic institutions to serve our people and preserve the seeds of our civilisation. With this experience, we intend to implement full democracy in a future free Tibet. Thus, as we develop our community in exile on modern lines, we also cherish and preserve our own identity and culture and bring hope to millions of our countrymen and -women in Tibet.

The issue of most urgent concern at this time, is the massive influx of Chinese settlers into Tibet. Although in the first decades of occupation a considerable number of Chinese were transferred into the eastern parts of Tibet – in the Tibetan provinces of Amdo (Chinghai) and Kham (most of which has been annexed by neighboring Chinese provinces) – since 1983 an unprecedented number of Chinese have been encouraged by their government to migrate to all parts of Tibet, including central and western Tibet (which the People’s Republic of China refers to as the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region). Tibetans are rapidly being reduced to an insignificant minority in their own country. This development, which threatens the very survival of the Tibetan nation, its culture and spiritual heritage, can still be stopped and reversed. But this must be done now, before it is too late.

The new cycle of protest and violent repression, which started in Tibet in September of 1987 and culminated in the imposition of martial law in the capital, Lhasa, in March of this year, was in large part a reaction to this tremendous Chinese influx. Information reaching us in exile indicates that the protest marches and other peaceful forms of protest are continuing in Lhasa and a number of other places in Tibet, despite the severe punishment and inhumane treatment given to Tibetans detained for expressing their grievances. The number of Tibetans killed by security forces during the protest in March and of those who died in detention afterwards is not known but is believed to be more than two hundred. Thousands have been detained or arrested and imprisoned, and torture is commonplace.

It was against the background of this worsening situation and in order to prevent further bloodshed, that I proposed what is generally referred to as the Five-Point Peace Plan for the restoration of peace and human rights in Tibet. I elaborated on the plan in a speech in Strasbourg last year. I believe the plan provides a reasonable and realistic framework for negotiations with the People’s Republic of China. So far, however, China’s leaders have been unwilling to respond constructively. The brutal suppression of the Chinese democracy movement in June of this year, however, reinforced my view that any settlement of the Tibetan question will only be meaningful if it is supported by adequate international guarantees.

The Five-Point Peace Plan addresses the principal and interrelated issues, which I referred to in the first part of this lecture. It calls for (1) Transformation of the whole of Tibet, including the eastern provinces of Kham and Amdo, into a zone of Ahimsa (nonviolence); (2) Abandonment of China’s population transfer policy; (3) Respect for the Tibetan people’s fundamental rights and democratic freedoms; (4) Restoration and protection of Tibet’s natural environment; and (5) Commencement of earnest negotiations on the future status of Tibet and of relations between the Tibetan and Chinese people. In the Strasbourg address I proposed that Tibet become a fully self-governing democratic political entity.

I would like to take this opportunity to explain the Zone of Ahimsa or peace sanctuary concept, which is the central element of the Five-Point Peace Plan. I am convinced that it is of great importance not only for Tibet, but for peace and stability in Asia.

It is my dream that the entire Tibetan plateau should become a free refuge where humanity and nature can live in peace and in harmonious balance. It would be a place where people from all over the world could come to seek the true meaning of peace within themselves, away from the tensions and pressures of much of the rest of the world. Tibet could indeed become a creative center for the promotion and development of peace.

The following are key elements of the proposed Zone of Ahimsa:

  • the entire Tibetan plateau would be demilitarised;
  • the manufacture, testing, and stockpiling of nuclear weapons and other armaments on the Tibetan plateau would be prohibited;
  • the Tibetan plateau would be transformed into the world’s largest natural park or biosphere. Strict laws would be enforced to protect wildlife and plant life; the exploitation of natural resources would be carefully regulated so as not to damage relevant ecosystems; and a policy of sustainable development would be adopted in populated areas;
  • the manufacture and use of nuclear power and other technologies which produce hazardous waste would be prohibited;
  • national resources and policy would be directed towards the active promotion of peace and environmental protection. Organisations dedicated to the furtherance of peace and to the protection of all forms of life would find a hospitable home in Tibet;
  • the establishment of international and regional organisations for the promotion and protection of human rights would be encouraged in Tibet.

Tibet’s height and size (the size of the European Community), as well as its unique history and profound spiritual heritage makes it ideally suited to fulfill the role of a sanctuary of peace in the strategic heart of Asia. It would also be in keeping with Tibet’s historical role as a peaceful Buddhist nation and buffer region separating the Asian continent’s great and often rival powers.

In order to reduce existing tensions in Asia, the President of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gorbachev, proposed the demilitarisation of Soviet-Chinese borders and their transformation into “a frontier of peace and good-neighborliness”. The Nepal government had earlier proposed that the Himalayan country of Nepal, bordering on Tibet, should become a zone of peace, although that proposal did not include demilitarisation of the country.

For the stability and peace of Asia, it is essential to create peace zones to separate the continent’s biggest powers and potential adversaries. President Gorbachev’s proposal, which also included a complete Soviet troop withdrawal from Mongolia, would help to reduce tension and the potential for confrontation between the Soviet Union and China. A true peace zone must, clearly, also be created to separate the world’s two most populous states, China and India.

The establishment of the Zone of Ahimsa would require the withdrawal of troops and military installations from Tibet, which would enable India and Nepal also to withdraw troops and military installations from the Himalayan regions bordering Tibet. This would have to be achieved by international agreements. It would be in the best interest of all states in Asia, particularly China and India, as it would enhance their security, while reducing the economic burden of maintaining high troop concentrations in remote areas.

Tibet would not be the first strategic area to be demilitarised. Parts of the Sinai peninsula, the Egyptian territory separating Israel and Egypt, have been demilitarised for some time. Of course, Costa Rica is the best example of an entirely demilitarised country. Tibet would also not be the first area to be turned into a natural preserve or biosphere. Many parks have been created throughout the world. Some very strategic areas have been turned into natural “peace parks”. Two examples are the La Amistad Park, on the Costa Rica-Panama border and the Si A Paz project on the Costa Rica-Nicaragua border.

When I visited Costa Rica earlier this year, I saw how a country can develop successfully without an army, to become a stable democracy committed to peace and the protection of the natural environment. This confirmed my belief that my vision of Tibet in the future is a realistic plan, not merely a dream.

Let me end with a personal note of thanks to all of you and our friends who are not here today. The concern and support which you have expressed for the plight of the Tibetans have touched us all greatly, and continue to give us courage to struggle for freedom and justice: not through the use of arms, but with the powerful weapons of truth and determination. I know that I speak on behalf of all the people of Tibet when I thank you and ask you not to forget Tibet at this critical time in our country’s history. We too hope to contribute to the development of a more peaceful, more humane and more beautiful world. A future free Tibet will seek to help those in need throughout the world, to protect nature, and to promote peace. I believe that our Tibetan ability to combine spiritual qualities with a realistic and practical attitude enables us to make a special contribution, in however modest a way. This is my hope and prayer.

In conclusion, let me share with you a short prayer which gives me great inspiration and determination:

For as long as space endures,
And for as long as living beings remain,
Until then may I, too, abide
To dispel the misery of the world.

Thank you.

Nobel Lecture, December 11, 1989

Here is a Beautiful piece from a fan – Akash Chetri
Read , Share and Enjoy .

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Rahul Dravid – The child of a lesser God. The Unsung Hero

It was 11th January 1973 the most precious and memorable day for Mr. Sharad Dravid and Mrs. Pushpa Dravid. A new member was added to their Maharashtrian Deshastha family residing at Bangalore. Named as Rahul Dravid whom his friends called as Jammy was never thought to reach such heights.

He took up cricket at a very tender age of 12. Well according to a survey 93.78 percent of Indian kids do that. But this kid was something extra-ordinary. Scoring a century in his debut game for his school team Dravid entered the Under-15 state team. He continued with under-17 and 19 too. The Ranji gates were not far for him and 1991 saw the recruitment of Dravid into the state side to play alongside Jumbo and Srinath. As a hindi proverb says “Upar wala jab bhi deta,deta chappar phar ke” Dravid soon after 2 seasons got selected for South Zone.

International beginning was not as good as everyone wants for Dravid against the Sri Lankan’s in the Singer Cup. But England saw the mark of sheer talent and raw patience. Scoring 95 in his debut booked his place in the team until few matches more. But God had other plans for him and better than anyone thought. Dravid slowly slowly became the backbone of the Indian batting line-up. And 1999 world cup success showed that he was there to make his own name. Vikram Ghosh the famous Indian percussionists said once “Many people achieve name but how many transform them into a BRAND”. And our Jammy did that. Dravid was just not a player. He became a brand in the planet revolved by the moon.

The den of the greats I mean the Wisden named him as the cricketer of the year in 2000. And in 2001 well you all remember what happened at Eden Gardens. Dravid’s contribution to Indian cricket includes many intangible contributions that aren’t reflected in the mountain of runs he has scored in his international career. He has always gone the extra mile for the team’s cause, be it being the wicket-keeper batsman for a while in ODIs so that India could play an extra batsman; or being flexible with his batting position to suit the team’s needs. The runs also don’t completely reflect his strong technique, immense powers of concentration, mental strength and leadership. But, perhaps, the one aspect of Dravid’s batting that has been overlooked is the high level of stability he brought to the team each time he went out to the middle.

He could come in at 5 for one or 100 for one and not be unfazed by the situation and the enormity of the task at hand. Dravid went about constructing his innings by being compact in defence and playing the aggressive shots when he needed to as he went about blunting the opposition bowling attack and made the job easier for the batsmen following him. It is an acknowledgement of the value that Dravid brought to the team that it was a given that there’s no need for concern as long as he was in the middle doing what he does best.

It probably didn’t matter to him that he was taken for granted by the public and didn’t receive as much adulation as the flashier batsmen in the team. But, what did matter to him was the team and he literally shed sweat and blood for the cause as he rescued India from countless sticky situations.

Most of Dravid’s landmarks haven’t been given their fair due by the media and fans alike as he has regularly been overshadowed by the Sachin Tendulkars, Mohammad Azharuddins, Sourav Gangulys and Virender Sehwags. Come to think of it, Dravid has pretty much been the unsung hero since his Test debut at Lord’s in June 1996 where he made an impressive 95; but it was his fellow debutant Ganguly, who took most of the plaudits for his century. And, the trend continued until his sunset days as an international cricketer when despite being the only redeeming factor in India’s humiliating Test whitewash in England in 2011, all the attention and hype was centred on Tendulkar scoring his 100th international hundred. Dravid though took it all in his stride even as he put such a premium on his wicket from early in his career that he earned the nickname ‘The Wall’ as a compliment to his steadfastness and for being the pivot around which the Indian batting revolved irrespective of the format.

It is a tribute to Dravid’s courage, self-belief and mental strength that he remained the mainstay of India’s batting despite being overshadowed by his other team-mates and the fact that his contributions to Indian cricket have largely remained under-appreciated. Dravid thrived in challenging situations and nothing illustrates this better than the fact that his Test average is higher away than at home. Most of India’s batsmen have struggled on pitches overseas as they are bouncier and more conducive to swing; Dravid’s compact technique, however saw him literally carrying India’s batting in those conditions.

Another aspect of Dravid that tends to get overlooked is the level of fitness that he maintained through his career. Dravid also retained the desire and pride to perform even as he continued to hone and work on his skills and scripted his own destiny to become a cricketing hero. He has conducted himself impeccably on and off the field; is articulate and is aware of his responsibility to the society. In his own way, Dravid has proven there is no substitute for hard work and determination. He has also shown that irrespective of
demands and pressure, it is important to remain true to one’s character even as situations demand a revamp of that role. Dravid respects the game’s traditions and has been a shining example of the ideals associated with the game.

All good things come to an end; but there are some things one wished continued for eternity. I have got so used to watching Dravid coming out at No. 3, and knowing that is not going to happen at the international level ever again is something I find difficult to accept and resign myself to.

But, what I am thankful for is the fact that I got to see Dravid defy the odds and engrave his name as one of the best batsmen to have ever played the game. Dravid – Thank you for the glorious memories and being a role model for the ages. It has been an honour and privilege watching you batImage

“There was and is only one Rahul Dravid. There can be no other.                                                                                                                    I will miss Rahul in the dressing room and out in the middle,” Tendulkar said.

“If u can’t get along with Dravid,u are struggling in life “- Brett Lee !

“Dravid Could play attacking cricket
like me but i could never play like
him”- Chris Gayle

Afridi was asked for his fav player…he answered…RAHUL DRAVID…!!

“If I have to put anyone to bat for my life, it’ll be Kallis or Dravid”.-Lara
“Rahul Dravid is a player who would walk on broken glass if his team asks him to”- Navjot Singh
Sidhu

.

“If a person can hit 99 centuries , he can hit 150 centuries also . I don’t think he is
feeling any kind of pressure .It is us( the fans and MEDIA ) who are creating the
pressure “- Irfan Pathan.

“I want my son to become Sachin Tendulkar.” -Brian Lara(WI)

”V did not lose 2 a team called India, v lost 2 a man called Sachin” – Mark Taylor(aus)

‘Nothing bad can happen 2 us if v were on a plane in India wit Sachin Tendulkar on it.” -Hashim Amla(SA)

”He can play that leg glance with a walking stick also” -Waqar Younis(Pak)

”There r 2 kind of batsman in the world. 1 Sachin Tendulkar and 2. all the others” -Andy Flower(ZIM)

“I have seen God. He bats at no.4 for India in tests” -Matthew Hayden(AUS.)

“I c myself when! i c Sachin batting” -Don Bradman(AUS)

“Do your crime when Sachin is batting, bcos even God is busy watching his batting” -Australian Fan

Barack Obama – “I don’t know about cricket but still I watch cricket to see Sachin play..Not b’coz I love his play its b’coz I want to know the reason why my country’s production goes down by 5 percent when he’s in batting”…